Bulworth movie

The movie Bulworth is a political satire that tells the story of US Democratic Senator Jay Billington Bulworth, played by Warren Beatty, of California who was running for re-election in 1996. While doing his usual campaign and electioneering activities, he realized that his life has become superficial with all the lies and dirty tactics he employed to gain votes and favors from various organizations. Even his marriage was just a show to maintain his public image.As he reflected on his life, Bulworth was very much disgusted because he no longer found himself to be an idealist person whose views were shaped by the civil rights of the 60s. Seeing no future in the election, he suffered a nervous breakdown and planned to kill himself during the final days of his campaign by hiring an assassin. He took a $10 million insurance policy in case of death to benefit his daughter. Knowing his days were numbered, the Senator changed his lifestyle dramatically. He decided to speak freely and truthf ully irregardless of the consequences. Truth became his cause anywhere he spoke.In his public appearance with the African-American community, he tossed aside his prepared speech and told the group that he disregarded their needs because they did not contribute enough money to his election bid. There he met Nina who gave him hope to live and an optimistic outlook. Bulworth learned many things from Nina who likewise introduced him to the hiphop culture. In his fund raising event at the Beverly Wilshire, Bulworth delivered his speech to the tone of a rap artist shocking everyone. With the will to live again, the Senator tried to call off the assassination but the mission was already set with an unknown hitman.Nina, who came from a family of Civil Rights, helped the Senator escaped and offered her home for his safety. The Senator then prepared himself for his final transformation gathering enough strength to face the country. In a televised appearance, he lambasted the American politica l process. Reference Bulworth. Prod. Lauren Shuler Donner, Warren Beatty, Pieter Jan Brugge. Dir. Warren Beatty. Perf. Warren Beatty, Halle Berry, Paul Sorvino, Christine Baranski, and Kimberly Deauna Adams. DVD. Twentieth Century Fox Home Entertainment, 1998.

Effects of Teenage Smoking

The Effects of Smoking on Adolescent Behavior and Their Ability to Perform Well in School James Grimes Eastern Kentucky University Abstract There is a considerable body of empirical research that has identified adolescent peer relationships as a primary factor involved in adolescent cigarette smoking. Despite this large research base, many questions remain unanswered about the mechanisms by which peers affect youths’ smoking behavior. Understanding these processes of influence is the key to the development of prevention and intervention programs designed to address adolescent smoking as a significant public health concern.In this paper, theoretical frameworks and empirical findings are reviewed critically which inform the current state of knowledge regarding peer influences on teenage smoking. Specifically, social learning theory, primary socialization theory, social identity theory and social network theory are discussed. Empirical findings regarding peer influence and select ion, as well as multiple reference points in adolescent friendships, including best friendships, romantic relationships, peer groups and social crowds, are also reviewed.Review of this work reveals the contribution that peers have in adolescents’ use of tobacco, in some cases promoting use, and in other cases deterring it. The Effects of Smoking on Adolescent Behavior and Their Ability to Perform Well in School Introduction Smoking by adolescents is a social activity and subject to peer pressure. Peers may offer information on where to buy cigarettes and even how to smoke them. Teenagers are often evaluated by the peers as to how cool he or she may be.Popular culture dictates an association between smoking and being a cool kid as much as wearing the right clothes, having a certain haircut, and being friends with the right people. In a since, smoking is a way of reflecting an identity. Knowing this one must ask is smoking by adolescents is really an act they wish to perform. W hether you smoke or not can determine who your friends may be. Kobus (2003) suggests that non smokers tend to befriend non smokers and smokers tend to befriend smokers. Non smokers that do become friends with smokers run a much higher risk at becoming a smoker themselves.Hypothesis In this study, I believe that adolescent who smoke will most likely have friends who smoke. I believe this study will show that 25% of the teenagers polled will be smokers and 80% of them will be friends with other smokers. It will also prove that the non smokers will be less likely to be friends with smokers. Literature Review Kobus (2003) suggests that peer relationships are the primary factor involved in cigarette smoking. Specifically, social learning theory, primary socialization theory, social identity theory and social network theory are discussed.Empirical findings regarding peer influence and selection, as well as multiple reference points in adolescent friendships, including best friendships, ro mantic relationships, peer groups and social crowds, are also reviewed. Patton, Hibbert, Rosier, Carlin, Caust, and Bowes (1996) state that an association of smoking with depression and anxiety has been documented in adult smokers. Subjects reporting high levels of depression and anxiety were twice as likely to be smokers after the potential confounders of year level; sex, alcohol use, and parental smoking were controlled for.Regular smokers were almost twice as likely as occasional smokers to report high levels of depression and anxiety. In trying to determine whether smoking can influence a student's school performance, Te-wei, Zihua, and Keeler (1998) report there’s no direct causation from smoking to school performance, but smoking might have an indirect effect, leading to other delinquency behaviors or drug abuse. These behaviors, in turn, could lead to poor school performance. However, the main argument against this hypothesis is that smoking is a relatively common beha vior relative to other factors that lead to antisocial behaviors.Methodology Population The population I used in this study of sophomore students in Ms. Powell’s math classes at McCreary Central High. I posted a survey to a web site and have asked all that would to take the survey. Instruments I started my survey by asking a yes or no question: â€Å"Do you smoke? † Then I asked all the non smokers the following 5 questions: 1. Are you male or female? 2. Does either of your parents smoke? 3. Do you feel pressure from your friends to smoke? 4. Would you have a best friend that smokes? 5. What is your average grade in school? Then I asked all smokers the following questions: 1.Are you male or female? 2. Does either of your parents smoke? 3. Do you pressure your friends to smoke? 4. Does your best friend smoke? 5. What is your average grade in school? Data Analysis At the time of writing this draft I have not collected any data yet. I will add this on my final draft. Disc ussion At the time I am writing the first draft I haven’t had enough time to collect the data for my paper. I have posted my questions using survey monkey to a web page at McCreary Central High where my wife teaches. She is going to ask student from her class to take the survey. So far I have only had 4 people take the survey.This is hardly enough to come to any conclusions. Conclusions In Conclusion, I plan on collecting the date from my surveys to analyze. Kobus (2003) concludes that adolescent peer relationships contribute to adolescent cigarette smoking. Youth who are friends with smokers have been found to be more likely to smoke themselves than those with only nonsmokers as friends. Best friends, romantic partners, peer groups and social crowds all have been found to contribute to the smoking or non-smoking behavior of teenagers. In some cases, peer influences promote smoking and, in other cases, they deter it.The mechanisms of peer influence appear to be more covert an d subtle than is thought commonly. That is, rather than be the result of direct and coercive pressures, decisions regarding smoking behavior have been found to reflect predetermined choices about fitting in, social approval, popularity and autonomy. Parents and the media have also been found to contribute to the smoking or non-smoking of youth.References Akers, R. L. , Massey, J. , Clarke, W. , ;amp; Lauer, R. M. (1983). Are Self-Reports of Adolescent Deviance Valid? Biochemical Measures, Randomized Response, and the Bogus Pipeline in Smoking Behavior. Social Forces, 62(1), 234-251. Freinkel, S. , Fuerst, M. L. , ;amp; Krieger, E. B. (1999). Teen Smoking: The Longest Drag. Health (Time Inc. Health), 13(6), 18. Kobus, K. (2003). Peers and adolescent smoking. Addiction, 9837-55. doi:10. 1046/j. 1360-0443. 98. s1. 4. x Patton, G. C. , Hibbert, M. , Rosier, M. J. , Carlin, J. B. , Caust, J. , ;amp; Bowes, G. (1996). Is Smoking Associated with Depression and Anxiety in Teenagers?. Americ an Journal Of Public Health, 86(2), 225. Te-wei, H. , Zihua, L. , ;amp; Keeler, T. E. (1998). Teenage Smoking, Attempts to Quit, and School Performance. American Journal Of Public Health, 88(6), 940-943.

Public relations Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Public relations - Research Paper Example Effective PR is crucial in today’s culture, especially given the media saturation. Public opinion and image now account for a lot in the increasingly influential social media realm. PR is the art of making organizations look good. Professionals normally work in the background with research on public opinion, courting of journalists, and sending press releases (Gregory 2). This is done to position their employers as ethical, concerned, and positive role models. I recently talked to Tatiana Soprano, the PR manager at Ritz Carlton in Biscayne, Florida. She clarified that, while it is difficult to separate advertising from public relations, advertisers seek to sell products and PR focuses on shaping the image of that product. â€Å"Whereas marketing uses targeted communication and research to attain their desired action,† she says, â€Å"PR professionals seek to get unpaid for publicity in the media†. By cultivating relationships with journalists and reporters, PR ca n be used as an effective marketing tool although it has a disadvantage in that it does not complete the information process. This paper will cover the work of a professional PR manager and the way they handle the press. One question, which I asked Miss Tatiana, was what exactly a PR professional does. She intimated that PR professionals actually work in order to access free publicity for their client. Earlier on, this was handled by sending a press release to journalists that included information required in writing a story on the hotel in a positive way. This was easy since the local media were always looking for story ideas with a human twist in them. In this connection, the PR professional would craft a press release that would make a compelling story for the news. When she came to work at Ritz Carlton, she spent time cultivating a relationship with local journalists after seeking out those who wrote about the hotel industry. She called up some of them to discover more about wha t type of stories he or she was searching for, as well as how they preferred to receive their story pitches. A journalist is always more likely to consider a release that is timely, fresh, from a solid source, and specifically targeting their interests (Gregory 20). As PR manager, she also had to create a media kit, since journalists could request a press kit to follow up the press release. The kit is inclusive of all details that the journalist could require to understand the hotel’s business and vision. These include photos, quick facts, executive profiles and recent press releases. While in a perfect world, the hotel never makes mistakes and the media never comes asking for information, instances when they do leave Miss Tatiana and her department as the banner men at the front of the battle. She joked that all she spent her time doing was craving the attention of the media during the good times, but when things went south, she tried to escape the media as much as possible. This is where the aforementioned crisis management plan comes into play. In cases where the media misrepresents the hotel, such as when the Ritz’s rooms were claimed to be meeting points for drug lords, Tatiana used an Op-ED piece to tell the hotels side and submitted it to the newspapers. Thankfully, her contacts ran the story. â€Å"If they had failed, then I would have had to write an advertorial and pay for it,† she intimated. However, this would have made them look guilty, especially given that most papers in the region insist on titling advertorials as â€Å"Advertisements†. This led me to an important question regarding the importance of technology to PR professionals. Tatiana admits that while the email made things easy for sending releases to many journalists just by the click of a button, this had led to a rise in spam (Kitchen 43). This meant that most journalists simply clicked delete before even reading the press release. Yet another technological advance that had an impact on the profession was the web. Websites are a good way of

Causes of PM2.5 in China Research Proposal Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

Causes of PM2.5 in China - Research Proposal Example This paper illustrates that being a modestly developed nation from earlier times, China went into an active phase of economic expansion from the 1970s and emerged as one of the prominent world economies by the turn of the century. Further aided by international trade agencies’ removal of trade barriers, China brought down its â€Å"iron curtain† thereby facilitating both inward and outward flow of investments. â€Å"Nowadays China is one of the worlds top exporters and is attracting record amounts of foreign investment. In turn, it is investing billions of dollars abroad†. Still being a socialist market economy, China has become the second largest economy in terms of nominal GDP, and the fastest-growing economy achieving growth rates of over 10 percent for the past three decades. â€Å"With a population of 1.3 billion, China recently became the second largest economy and is increasingly playing an important and influential role in the global economy†. This optimal economic growth has led to a number of benefits for its people and the nation as a whole including elevated lifestyle, increased purchasing power, development of finest infrastructures, and many more. However, this economic ascendance has also caused a number of challenges, with environmental degradation and the resultant health issues being the prominent one. China’s economy is mainly fuelled by its manufacturing sector, but this sector primarily emits a number of dangerous materials affecting the environment. Furthermore, China’s fast-growing economy has accentuated its energy demand, with environmentally-destructive coal being used to meet the rising demands. So, increased economic activity has gravely affected the natural environment causing a number of health problems to the Chinese people including life-threatening diseases such as cancers, heart diseases, respiratory problems, and others. Treating these health issues drain the exchequer’s money t hereby in a way sizably affecting or even nullifying the economic growth. More than this issue, the basic aspect of any economic growth is that it should elevate and safeguard people’s lives and not be a detriment.

Comparison Contrast essay of Foreign and domestic automobiles

Comparison Contrast of Foreign and domestic automobiles - Essay Example Nissan, Honda and Toyota are the dominant forces in Japan, they make automobiles which perform very consistently and are equipped with the latest technology. The likes of Volkswagen, BMW and Mercedes Benz are the dominant forces in Europe, they make fine cars like Audi, Mercedes and other very popular cars, there are several types of Audis, and there are luxury cars, SUVs which sell like hot cakes. â€Å"Slightly more Americans now say the United States makes better-quality vehicles than Asia does, with 38 percent saying U.S. cars are best and 33 percent preferring autos made by Asian companies, according to an Associated Press-GfK Poll.† (Foreign Cars) Toyota specifically stands out because the company follows a comprehensive system of TQM which stands for total quality management, the whole line of production can easily be stopped should any problems be discovered, this has often saved the company from launching automobiles which have had safety problems unlike Honda and a few other companies. Ford, a leading American company has been very successful because they have been making affordable cars but these cars are complete misfits when they come up against foreign cars. Quality does not come cheap is an age old clichà ©, some of the high end models of European and Asian automobiles are far better than American cars, these cars are safer equipped with airbags and other high tech safety equipment, these cars are faster but these cars are not inexpensive. ... General Motors is a big American company which has had some serious financial problems in the past, these financial problems cropped up simply because the company was not making enough profits, these problems may occur in the future considering the highly competitive nature of the automobile industry. Camry manufactured by Toyota which is a foreign automobile company has been bought by countless Americans, it has been the bestselling car in America for almost a decade now, this goes to show the increasing popularity of foreign cars in America. â€Å"Cities in Middle America — places such as St. Louis, Cleveland and, of course, Detroit — have the highest percentage of American car buyers. In Detroit, for example, 67 percent buy American.† (Austin Business Journal) This quote from a very popular journal sheds light upon how only in a few selected areas do buyers buy American cars whereas the reach of foreign cars can be seen in almost all the areas and regions, thi s goes to show the widespread reach of foreign cars and the limited reach of domestic automobiles. â€Å"Toyota averages about 50 percent, he said, and imports about a million vehicles a year into the U.S. from Japan. Domestic content may decrease gradually." (Drive Blog Journal) The increasing demand of automobiles manufactures by Toyota has been highlighted time and again in this paper, the more this car gets importer into the US, the more it will capture the market share. This would mean that domestic automobile companies like GM and others would have to face increasing difficulty and a very competitive environment in the near future. Honda also exports a lot of cars into the US and it is again a very big competitor for the domestic automobile companies. â€Å"For some buyers, the concept of buying an

Jackson asministratiom Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Jackson asministratiom - Essay Example For that matter, Jackson established the rules needed to initiate the Indian removal. His efforts were based on the view that such actions can be undertaken on a publicly acceptable manner which he maneuvered with ease. His goal though on achieving his goal immediately created detrimental effects due to other issues that compounded the situation such as economy (Satz 64). This can be attributed to the fact that the government needed to provide for the needs of the Indian emigrants which on the other hand are often neglected due to the goal to finish at the fastest possible time. The said needs are in relation to the lands in the West that served as replacement for the tribal lands the Indians owned (p. 64). Basically the said issue is not a simple matter since it had caused undermining of the confidence and trust of the people. One of the reason is the focus on the said project had caused the leader to neglect other aspects of leadership causing a shift in the leadership load to the leaders of the state. This created criticisms on his leadership. He, at one glance can be judged to have an obsession of the said project since he had been working for the said goal even prior to his presidency (p. 97) There are different conflicts that resulted in the said policy. One of which is the Cherokee case in Georgia which resulted in the Treaty of New Echota signed by John Ridge. This did not resolve the issues though since Ridge was not the recognized leader. Jackson’s successor, Van Buren though enforced the treaty resulting to 4,000 deaths from the Cherokees in the Trail of Tears. Later on, the tribes from Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida lived in associated with the white Americans refusing to leave the land but without creating conflicts (p. 126). The Indian removal resulted to the transfer of 45,000 American Indians to the western part of US. This is in addition to the millions of acres of lands purchased by the government. Such actions

Experience MIS Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Experience MIS - Assignment Example Besides what Woolworth offers there are also other companies that offer substitute products, this can affecting its operations if consumers prefer the substitute products. Customers and suppliers can also put some pressure on the firm. Woolworth can take steps to reduce buyer power by implementing a loyalty program. Suppliers can also exert pressure if they are the firm’s only suppliers. The government can also influence the operations of Woolworth by either imposing higher taxes on them or giving them tax incentives. The government can also give them monopoly power thus shying away new entrants (Kroenke, Bunker & Wilson, 2013). b). Woolworths is growing faster compared to its rival, Coles Myers. The company emphasized on diversification by offering low prices on its brands; this strategy gave it a competitive advantage over its rival. The company’s Chief Executive Officer, Roger Corbett, who had the management experience of a supply chain in the United States also, had an impact. He implemented the project refresh in 1999 so as to restructure the supply chain of the company (Kroenke, Bunker & Wilson, 2013).He also introduced the everyday low price to Woolworths supermarkets and new technology. The success of the company is also featuring into the petrol- retailing sector, which resulted in its ability to take the best market share six years before Coles Myers could enter the segment. The company was able to present itself as the best fresh food company, which provided triumph marketing over its rival Coles Myers. Woolworth has been able to maintain a competitive edge by forcing Coles Myers to reduc e its prices after implementing the everyday low price as necessity for competition (Kroenke, Bunker & Wilson, 2013). c). The primary value chain activities of Woolworth can be below. There is the Inbound Logistics that deal with; inventory control, materials handling, Call-off to suppliers and warehousing. Secondly, there

How Leaders can overcome conflct, influence others and raise Essay

How Leaders can overcome conflct, influence others and raise performance - Essay Example However, with this new insight, I can be well armed to face the boss on an equal footing. I have learnt how not to be held an emotional hostage in my relationships, whether personal or business. Being a leader, I might also have to resort to taking my team members â€Å"metaphorical hostages† to achieve the desired results. As a leader, my ultimate goal would be to increase productivity and enhance performance. Thus, I would try to use all the available skills to achieve this, including engaging in productive dialogue and resolution of tough problems. Through this write-up, I have learnt valuable tips on how to be an effective leader and overcome conflict by skillful negotiations. I would even try to influence others and raise the performance of my team. If we can understand the intricacies of our relationships, beliefs and values that shape our thinking, recognize and respect the intrinsic dignity of the individual, we can be sure to act in an appropriate manner and be free from a situation in which we could be held as a metaphorical hostage. Thus, I can confidently say that I will not be held a hostage, emotionally or physically in any given situation: personal or business. I will be in a position to effectively deal with difficult situations :both at work and in my personal life. The essence would be to be calm and composed in any situation and look for solutions, rather than give into the demands made by

Research Paper on Americans with Disabilities Act Essay Example for Free

Research Paper on Americans with Disabilities Act Essay Before starting this class and especially the research paper, I knew very little about the ADA. During the period of research and writing the paper I hope to obtain a better grasp on the ADA in general. But I also hope to learn some things that my current place of employment can improve our standards when it comes to those with disabilities. The ADA was signed into law on July 26, 1990 by then President George H. W. Bush. It prohibits discrimination based on disability and only disability. It is fairly similar to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Implementing the Americans with Disabilities Act. Blackwell Publishing. General Discussion Analysis The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) is a civil-rights law that was passed on July 26, 1990 (Acemoglu). Kathryn Moss suggests that the ADA is arguably the most important civil rights law for people with disabilities and the most significant since the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The ADA is a federal legislation that forbids discrimination of various sorts and allows the 43 million Americans with disabilities an equal opportunity for employment and services. It provides fairly similar protections against discrimination to Americans with disabilities as the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which made discrimination based on race, religion, sex, national origin, and other characteristics illegal. The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines being disabled as â€Å"incapacitated by illness or injury; also physically or mentally impaired in a way that substantially limits activity especially in relation to employment or education. The law was written enable people with disabilities to not only enter the job market but to also remain employed. In the late 1980’s, a House of Representatives report came to a conclusion that more than 8. 2 million disabled individuals were unemployed despite their desire to work. Also, those disabled individuals earned 36 to 38 percent less than their counterparts (Faillace). According to Gary Dessler, â€Å"employers with 15 or more workers are prohibited from discriminating against qualified individuals with disabilities with regard to applications, hiring, discharge, compensation, advancement, training, or other terms, conditions, or privileges of employment. It also says that employers must make ‘reasonable accommodations’ for physical or mental limitations unless doing so imposes an ‘undue hardship’ on the business. † It not only prohibits discrimination in employment but also outlaws most physical barriers in public accommodations, transportation, telecommunications, and government services. Although the ADA does not specifically list any disabilities, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s (EEOC) guidelines state that when an individual has a physical or mental impairment that substantially limits one or more major life activity then the individual is in fact disabled. It goes on to state that impairments can include any physiological disorder or condition, cosmetic disfigurement, or anatomical loss affecting one or more of several body systems, or any mental or psychological disorder (Dessler). Among the protected classes are persons with AIDS and substance abusers who are in treatment. Some 50 million current or potential workers are estimated to be covered by the laws provisions (Columbia Encyclopedia). However, the act does list some conditions that are not to be considered as disabilities. These include â€Å"homosexuality, bisexuality, voyeurism, compulsive gambling, pyromania, and certain disorders resulting from the current illegal use of drugs† (Dessler). The act has already been much litigated. In 1999, for instance, the U. S. Supreme Court ruled that correctable conditions like eyesight requiring the use of glasses do not qualify as disabilities under the act, and a 2002 decision established that a disability must limit a persons ability to perform tasks of central importance not just in the workplace but in daily life (Fielder). Studies suggest that the number of disabled persons entering the workforce has not improved significantly, and that a contributing factor may be their reluctance to lose other benefits available to them on the basis of their disabilities (DeLiere). Although the President’s Committee on Employment of People with Disabilities reports that the cost of making an accommodation for an employee with a disability averages around $200 per employee with many costing less than $50. But espite this relatively small cost, many employers are still stereotyping disabled individuals and fear that the accommodations may disrupt the workplace (Blanck). Dale Brown states there are several myths regarding the Americans with Disabilities Act. He says the â€Å"ADA does not give you the right to a job because you have a disability. You must be qualified and compete and you may be rejected from a job just like anyone else. It does not give extra points in getting a job, the ADA is not an affirmativ e action statute. That is, its not intended to make up for past discrimination by requiring the employers hire a certain number of people with disabilities or giving them incentives to do so. It also does not allow any special privileges on the job. Although sometimes reasonable accommodation might look like special privileges to other people, you have the same responsibilities and challenges as your fellow employees. † In essence, you still must be as qualified or more qualified than a fellow prospective job applicant in order to receive the position. There will be no punishment for the employer if the disabled applicant is not hired because of the two applicant’s qualifications. TITLE I-Employment Title I of the ADA contains the law’s employment provisions. This is where the law states that private employers (the exact term in the law is covered entity) with 15 or more employees must not discriminate against qualified individuals with disabilities. A qualified individual is a person that can perform the essential duties and functions of a job or position with reasonable accommodations. One may see a potential loophole with the act based on those two words â€Å"reasonable accommodations. † The definition of reasonable accommodations along with any other possible complaint against a company is taking on a case by case basis. But such accommodations are required only if making them does not place an undue hardship on the employer (Moss). Title I applies to all aspects of one’s job including application procedures, hiring, promotion and discharge, worker’s compensation, job training, and more (Blanck). Another aspect of the job that is covered under the ADA is if a prospective job applicant is related o or associated with a person who has a disability. For example, if an employer will not hire someone because they may think the prospective applicant would be too consumed with taking care of the disabled person, it would be illegal for the employer to not hire the applicant for that reason (Brown). Cases filed against employers regarding Title I te nd to be not cases about fact but rather about personal and social attitudes because they tend to involve the â€Å"states of mind of the various players in the story† (Krieger). Krieger goes on to state that juries and judges are asked to imagine the state of mind of an employer who was faced with hiring an applicant or not hiring an applicant that is, for example, obese. Or to fire an employee who has â€Å"nonsymptomatic AIDS. † In many cases it comes down to the personality and presentation of the person or persons under trial rather than the facts, because there may not be any facts, just allegations. An employee must perform the essential functions, those activities that are intrinsic to a job. The essential functions are determined individually for each job. However, an employee is still considered as a qualified candidate or employee if it only takes reasonable accommodation to meet the functions of the job. According to Dale Brown, making reasonable accommodations usually means â€Å"removing obstacles from the job, the workplace, or the terms and conditions of employment that would otherwise prevent an otherwise qualified person with a disability from doing the job. † He goes on to give an example of what reasonable accommodation may be. He states that computers and calculators are reasonable accommodations that may help many people whom have learning disabilities or dyslexia with routine arithmetic and proofreading functions. Also, in order for an employer to make these reasonable accommodations to the workplace, they must have knowledge of the disability of the applicant or employee. If the employer is not made aware of the disability they may not be held responsible for any discrimination. The discrimination can not take place until the disability is actually disclosed. Even then, the employer is legally allowed to ask for medical documentation and evaluate it before they determine whether or not the request is appropriate (West). Meaning, the burden of proof that the disability substantially limits a major life role lies on the applicant or employee along with their health provider. Not only must the health care provider and applicant or employee prove that a disability is present, but must also prove that the requested accommodation is a necessity to perform their job. If the employer will not make the accommodations, the applicant or employee can pay for the accommodation out of their own pocket. Ruth Colker states that if an applicant or employee offers to pay for the accommodation, the employer can not say no unless it is disruptive. So again, it is up to the jury or judge to determine what is and what is not disruptive. This is again why each ADA case or complaint is handled differently and there is no real precedent in these cases. TITLE II-Public Services Title II has two different sections. One that covers public entities and the other is specific to public transportation provided by public entities. The section that covers public agencies includes local, county, state government and their departments and agencies. Title II covers all activities, services, and programs of the public entities (Americans). The first section includes entities like schools, city governments, and fire stations. Accessibility means that each program is readily accessible to and usable by individuals with disabilities. Program accessibility is necessary not only for individuals with mobility impairments, but also for individuals with vision and hearing impairments (Americans). Meaning leaders of the entities need to consider not only physical obstructions such as doors and restrooms but also visual and hearing barriers such as accessible building signage, public telephones and alarms with visible signals. The second section, which covers the public transportation of the aforementioned public entities, includes services operated by state and local government by regulations of the Department of Transportation. It also includes facilities used for the public transportation systems such as bus stations, railway stations and airports along with vehicles used in public transportation (Americans). Again, the basis for this title is that no qualified individual with a disability will be subjected to any sort of discrimination by a public entity. It also states that the individual not be deprived of any benefits of services or activities of the public entity due to the disability as well. Any sort of accessibility or service that is lacking from any of the public entities can be considered discrimination regardless of who it actually affects. TITLE III- Public Accommodations Title III of the ADA is the title that applies to private entities such as hotels, stores, gas stations, etc. It is very similar to Title II just in regards to the different type of business entity that it covers. It prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability by public accommodations and also in commercial facilities (Brown). It also prohibits the discrimination on the basis of disability by any person who owns or operates a place of public accommodation. However, entities that are controlled by religious organizations, including places of worship, and private clubs are both not covered by Title III. Although private clubs are not covered, their facilities are made available to customers of a place of public accommodation (West). The public accommodations must also provide auxiliary aids and services when they are necessary to ensure effective communication with those with hearing, vision, speech, or similar impairments. TITLE IV- Telecommunications Title IV of the ADA requires that all United States based local or long distance telephone services must provide a relay service for those individuals that are deaf or hard of hearing along with those with speech impediments. Also, people with TDD’s (Telecommunications Device for the Deaf ) and TTY’s (Teletypewriter) who are calling those with out TDD’s or TTY’s and vice versa can make a call through a relay service. The relay service will transmit the call using TDD/TTY or voice depending on the need (Joffee). Today, there are multiple sources of TDD’s and TTY’s available through the internet using broadband connections. TITLE V-Miscellaneous Provisions Title V includes miscellaneous provisions that relate to the application of the ADA. Some of the more notable provisions are: †¢Ã¢â‚¬Å"The ADA shall not be construed to apply a lesser standard than that already in existence under Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 or to invalidate any state or local laws which have stricter provisions. †¢The ADA will not prohibit an insurance company from using sound actuarial data to administer risks, even if the effect is that people with disabilities will be charged more or denied coverage, but it must not be used as a subterfuge to deny coverage. †¢The ADA shall not be construed to require a person to accept an accommodation† (Acemoglu). Conclusion The ADA was instituted to help even the playing field for those with disabilities. But in some ways it has actually discouraged employers from hiring candidates with disabilities due to the perceived extra cost and effort it would take to hire a disabled person. Another reason for criticism is that many lawyers have made a living out of suing non-compliant businesses. There has also been research that concludes the number of disabled employed has actually declined significantly since the passage of the ADA. So while the ADA was instituted for all the right reasons, maybe the plan hasn’t been perfected and it is lacking some effectiveness to date.

Womens Day Essay Example for Free

Womens Day Essay Good afternoon. It’s an honor and a pleasure to be invited to speak to you today. International Women’s Day is many things – a cause for celebration, a reason to pause and re-evaluate, a remembrance, an inspiration, a time to honor loved and admired ones and in several countries – including China, Armenia, Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Bulgaria, Kazakhstan, Macedonia, Madagascar, Mongolia, Tajikistan, Ukraine, Uzbekistan and Vietnam, but clearly not India! – a public holiday1. So I’d like to extend, first of all, a note of thanks to all of you for taking time out of your work schedules to come here, as well as to inviting me to speak. On this day, all over the world, we consider both the steps forward toward better lives for women that have been taken in recent times, as well as the progress still required. Necessarily, we name our enemies: patriarchal structures, perhaps, or more specifically, legislative and political decisions, corporate entities, criminal menaces, culture-based ignorance and economic disenfranchisement. They are all significant things, and I am not suggesting that they are not. But I have felt for a long time n ow that something else is at the heart of female disempowerment. Something that isn’t as easy to deconstruct or dismantle. Something that is difficult to even name, and at times feels bewilderingly counter-intuitive. What, to me, is at the heart of female disempowerment is the profoundly painful fact of how women can be each others’ worst enemies. One of the most famous things that former American Secretary of State Madeleine Albright has gone on record to say is â€Å"I think there is a special place in hell for women who don’t help other women.†2 A special place in hell – can you imagine what torment that would be, and how deeply wounded a person has to feel to condemn someone that way? When you think of what she said, that such a special place is reserved for women who don’t help other women – what associations come to mind? I don’t know about you, but my heart burns to remember the countless times I have been betrayed and ev en sabotaged by women I loved or looked up to – teachers, relatives, peers, friends and colleagues. Haven’t men done the same? Of course they have – but somehow, it stings worse coming from another woman, because of how deeply counter-intuitive it feels. This is the sort of heartburn that makes me think, yes, Albright was right – there is a place in hell for women who don’t help – who hurt – other women. There has to be. Even if there is no Hell – how could there not be such a place? How could such treachery be  left without retribution? There are big ways and little ways to this treachery. The little ways I hardly need to enumerate, because the best examples of these are empirical ones, and you know them in your own life. The big ways tend to be a matter of collusion: for instance, it may have been men who created archaic and repressive social codes, but is it not women who pass them on, who ensure that their families function within and continue to carry forward the same logic? To choose to not break a chain is to choose to propagate it. We can begin by taking a look at the very fact of us all being in this room today. How did we get here? Each of us have overcome difficulties in our own lives, each of us has dared to dream, and fortunately, has been born in a time where we were able to pursue some if not all of these dreams. We have had access to resources and options whi ch were denied to women of just a few generations ago – resources and options which are even denied to other women today, in this country and elsewhere. Some of us have endured bad luck, made bad decisions, or failed at things we tried our hands at – but we haven’t been ruined by these misfortunes. We have alternatives. We have second, third and ninety-third chances. We have more autonomy than our foremothers may have been able to imagine. In short, we are all so lucky. And this is only because of the brave women and men who fought for certain rights and equality, who went against the tide of what was acceptable, who challenged the status quo, who refused to take as an answer that â€Å"that’s just how things are†. We are here because they did not think of themselves alone. They did not relegate their abilities to simply securing a better life for themselves, but put the vision of a better world above their own personal journeys, and in doing so secured a better life for millions. I am asking you today if we too can demand a better explanation than â€Å"that’s just how things are†. I believe that as women, we are conditioned on a deeply embedded level to be wary of or threatened by, and consequently cruel toward, one another. Perhaps there are biological or evolutionary reasons for this. But I refuse to accept that we cannot evolve female rivalry out of our systems. Larger systems of power, yes, but more importantly, smaller microcosms of the same. In our own lives, can we get over our mistrust of other women? Can we leave cliques and factions behind in our school years and embrace a greater loyalty? Can we see that another woman’s success need not necessarily mean our own failure? Can we cease to  be judgmental or jealous? Can we cease to be threatened by other women, for reasons of our own insecurities, and can we stop acting out of that sense of fear? Just as our palette of big life choices continues to expand the more society develops, I would like to think that in our day to day interactions, we should also become more mindful of how we choose to treat one another. Can we make choices that deprogramme the way we have learnt to feel about other women – learnt from all the ways we ourselves have been hurt – and choose to say, â€Å"This stops with me. What has been done to me by girls I went to school with, women in my extended family, superiors I worked under or any other situation, incident or environment that fostered in me a sense of female rivalry or mistrust will no longer control the way in which I respond to individuals now.† Will we choose to undermine other women, in ways big and small, or will we choose to embrace a less cynical view? Can we work together to create new environments in which all of us can feel free to meet our highest potential without being hindered by unhealthy competition? You may be wondering why I have taken a less festive approach to International Women’s Day and am asking these potentially uncomfortable questions. I promise you I didn’t start out this cynical. In fact, I started out quite the opposite – if I could have had feminist slogans on my diapers, I would have! Throughout my teenage years I volunteered with women’s NGOs, and continue to do so in some capacity today. I was one of those girls who would rather have a tee-shirt that said â€Å"the revolution is my boyfriend† than have an actual human one. I think I limited my own literary forays for some years by refusing to read anything by authors I derogatorily labeled â€Å"dead white men†. I was proudly, radically, obviously and – I must admit, perhaps a little obnoxiously – feminist. And then the disillusionment set in. At some point in my life as a young activist, I began to see that polemics and politics only go so far. How far does philosophy translate accurately into one’s practical realities? One’s fundamental humanity and compassion are all that really matter  œ it is of no consequence if this can be backed up by proselytizing or theory. You know how this works. I am almost certain that there is no one here today who would not name her grandmother, mother, aunt or sister as her personal inspiration – a woman who did not necessarily know of or say that she subscribed to theoretical ideals but nonetheless manifested the best of them in her life and across the lives of all she  touched. Today my feminism is nuanced by the understanding that as with all great adversaries, the most significant challenge to female empowerment comes from within. From within our ranks, from within our own hearts, from within our own inability to look beyond a reactionary and defensive stance. But there is something else that also comes from within. And that is strength. Women have always regarded as being strong, and we are, but in modern times we are also powerful. I think of power as originating from an external source, from the validation of being in a certain position of influence. But strength has a far more esoteric source. It manipulates less, and moves more. There is a difference between strength and power – which do you operate from? And I ask these uncomfortable questions not because I am above reproach but because I also deal with them in my day to day life and work. Sometimes, I frown on the actions of teenage girls because they do not seem as empowered as I was at their age. Or I might secretly judge someone of my generation for having had an arranged marriage, letting her in-laws dictate her career choices, or not realizing how beautiful she is because TV commercials tell her otherwise. But who am I, really, to judge? How would I know what those girls or women have been through and what has shaped their decisions? Why can’t I just respect that they are different, but no less equal? Concurrently, I struggle to undo and unlearn traumas imprinted on me because I am a certain kind of woman, born into a certain kind of culture, in a certain era. I struggle to not be manipulated into being pitted against other women in soci al and professional situations by those who know just how to push those buttons. I struggle to deal graciously with female associates who have backstabbed, cheated and even plagiarized me without having to descend to petty conflict that would only satisfy those who believe that women cannot evolve out of our habituated enmity. Because I believe we can. As we celebrate International Women’s Day this year (and celebrate it we should!) let us also bear in mind that the struggle is far from over. Women’s empowerment should never be reduced to individual success stories. It should be about collective well-being. As long as women continue to operate from that deeply embedded place of suspicion and resentment, we will never be free. No matter what material, social or intellectual heights we scale, we will never be free unless we learn a new paradigm with which to see other women. With which to see ourselves. There are two ways to light a second lamp: you can do so by snuffing out the first as you ignite the second, or you can allow the flame of one wick to touch another, and inspire its own flame. You are a luminous being. Be secure in this knowledge. Let your light illuminate as many lives as possible. It will not diminish your own. I would like to end this talk with a quote from an anonymous source that I came across on the internet. I find it comforting – and I hope that you too will be inspired by it. â€Å"Blessed are the women, who have grown beyond their greed, and put an end to their hatred. They delight in the beauty of the way things are, and keep their hearts open, day and night. They are like beautiful trees planted on the banks of flowing rivers, which bear fruit when they are ready. Their leaves will not fall or wither, and everything they do will succeed.†3 Thank you.

Stereotypes Of The Feminists In Markets Sociology Essay

Stereotypes Of The Feminists In Markets Sociology Essay When somebody mentions the word feminism it often sparks stereotypical ridicule surrounding unattractive women who cant get a man, mainly stirred up by subjective political publishing. In reality what was achieved by feminists throughout the 19th, 20th and 21st century has paved the way for a more intellectual and emotional acceptance of women in modern society. When we discuss the subject of feminism we automatically begin to consider the work of radical, Marxist and liberal feminists, but in order to understand the thoughts and feelings of this enlightening subject we must observe the work of not only feminists but other theorists, in an attempt to analyse the changing views of women from the 1960s onwards. The start of the sexual revolution remains prominent within our discussion, and throughout this essay we will refer to academic material in an attempt to educate ourselves on the thoughts and theories of the changing sexuality of women from the first wave of feminism onwards. landmark book the second sex offered women an existential and intellectual framework where by women could break down the barriers of social conditioning and take control of their own lives and sexuality, her famous words one is not born a woman, one becomes one offered an iconic phrase which would help support the movement of the sexual revolution of the 1960s. The sexual politics which took place throughout the 1960s and 1970s cannot be discussed without talking about the highly publicised second wave of feminism. The combination of student protests and medically prescribed contraceptives made it possible for women to own their own sexuality and move away from the confinement of sexual pleasure in the boundaries of a heterosexual marriage (Escoffier, 2003). The previous century has been that of a bourgeois one, where sexuality was held on the strict basis of a heterosexual family (Ollman, 1979). Marxist writer William Reich offered a revolutionary sexual radicalism which argued that capitalism sexually repressed the masses in the interest of its exploitative goals (Ollman, 1979). Betty Friedan (1963) is often referred to as the mother of the movement. When her book the feminine mystique was published in 1963 she discussed the roles of women in industrial societies, whose main aim was to fulfil the stifling role of homemaker; for women these traditional roles were often deemed unsatisfying: emotionally, intellectually and also sexually, as she quoted no woman gets an orgasm from shining the kitchen floor (Womens History, 2011). Betty Friedan (1963) was also noted for criticising Freuds theory known as penis envy along with feminist writer Karen Horney (Hichcock, 2005). Horney describes how it is men who are adversely affected by their inability to bear children, she referred to this as womb envy, and Freud saw Horneys theory as being a striking example of her own personal penis envy (Hitchcock, 2005). Horney and other feminist theorists have gone on to describe Freuds work as condescending and distorted surrounding his opinion of women being inferior to men (Hitchcock, 2005). Many feminist writers gained a high level of interest in the work of Foucault (1978) whose work is highly prevalent when discussing sexuality of the 1970s and power (Hekman, 1996). Foucault (1978) argued that sexuality was regulated and controlled. His theory of the body and sexuality has allowed feminists to appropriate it due to the consequences of drawing a distinction between sex and gender, which allows us to challenge the idea that a womens biological make up is her social destiny (Foucault, 1978). The views of sexuality altered greatly from the 1960s onwards. It was a period of high criticism of the conventional heterosexual practices of sex, and the liberation of gay men and lesbians meant there was a positive control of identity (Escoffier, 2003). The gay liberation challenged the essentialist view of the natural sex, however for many gay and lesbian activists sexual exploration was not the only goal; the importance was recognition for the need to change. Essentialist theori sts argue that sexuality has a reproductive function and how vaginal intercourse is seen as the sex (Duggan, Hunter, 1995). By observing Foucaults (1978) literature the history of sexuality we can see an anti-essentialist account of the sexual body. Foucault (1978) argued that the construct of the natural sex functions in order to disguise the productive operation of power in relation to human sexuality. Based on Foucaults (1978) work, Judith butler (1990) discusses that the notion of natural sex naturalises the regulatory idea of natural heterosexuality which then goes on to reinforce constraints on sexuality. McNay (1992) outlines how Foucaults history of sexuality exposes the contingent and socially determined nature of sexuality. McNay (1992) argues that this frees the body, allowing the breakdown of heterosexuality and the emergence of new realms of pleasure. Much of the debates surrounding sexuality during the 1960s and 1970s were viewed as having a large emphasis of the theories of pleasure and power. On the way into the 1980s the importance for feminists shifted onto the subject of the degrading acts towards women through the process of sado-masochism, pornography and prostitution (Strud, 2010). Feminists have been noted for arguing that pornography works in the exploitation of women which in turn contributes to the male objectification of women and sexism (Strud, 2010). A prominent figure in the anti-pornography movement was Andrea Dworkin, a feminist who aligned herself with the far-right movement (Strud, 2010). Dworkin and her fellow radical feminists characterised pornography as an industry of damaging abuse, and frequently discussed prostitution as a system of severe exploitation (Strud, 2010). Dworkin also suggested that heterosexual intercourse is a key factor in the subordination of patriarchy (Strud, 2010). Third wave feminists known as lipstick feminists made attempts to reclaim sexual power (Duggan, Hunter, 1995). They argued that dressing provocatively and maintaining sexual allure empowers women, it is also suggested that these feminists did not see a conflict between stripping, exhibitionism, girl-on-girl displays or pornography with feminism (Duggan, Hunter, 1995). A criticism of the third wave is often how it came about. The first and second wave are acknowledged as coming from a period where the main aim at hand were womens rights, it was a period where politics were intertwined with culture (Agger, 1992). The third wave which is also refereed to as the feminist sex wars rose from the popular culture of punk rock, consumerism and the birth of modern technologies and outlets such as mobile telephony and the internet (Agger, 1992). It has been discussed how there is often tension between the second and third wave of feminism due to the methods used to gain attention for important causes. However when these are observed we can elucidate that the methods used, such as lipstick feminists sexual allure or Riot Grrrl bands political anarchist lyrics, they can be deemed appropriate for the fast chaning modern culture of the 1980s and 1990s (Leonard, 1997). Some people think little girls should be seen and not heard, but I think Oh bondage up yours, lyrics sang by Poly Styrene of X-Ray Spex (1977), one of the female punk rock bands who were part of the feminist anarchy movement. As can be observed by many of the lyrics of such bands, there is a level of sexual empowerment in the female youth of the 1980s and 1990s. Riot Grrrls were seen to not meet the needs of all women, mainly due to the white middle class youth orientation (Agger, 1992). Riot Grrrls were seen to succeed in the overturning of the male hegemonic punk culture, Turn the tables with our unity- They neither moral nor majority Wake up and smell the coffee Or just say no to individuality quoted by L7 (1992), this supports the sense of community felt among young girls, who felt a sense of alienation from mainstream culture (Leonard, 1997). A prominent band in the Riot Grrrl movement was Bikini Kill (1998), there powerful, political and sexual songs featured heavily in the popular culture of American youth feminism, with lyrics such as Just cause my world, sweet sister, is so fucking goddamn full of rape does that mean my body must always be a source of pain. Christine Hoff Sommers (1994) discusses women who have betrayed feminism, she talks about an article written by Roiphe in the New York Times Sunday Magazine. In the article Roiphe accuses feminists of defining rape to include any kind of sex a woman experiences as negative (Sommers, 1994). This could be seen as challenging for feminists who were attempting to educate girls that sex without their consent constitutes as rape. Although Riot Grrrls did not achieve any radical changes for women, they were seen to make differences on a more individual level, supporting the female youth on issues such as sexual abuse and rape, which are seen as important factors in the s ubject of female sexual empowerment (Agger, 1992). Duggan and Hunter (1995) discussed that the controversial sex wars which focussed on debates surrounding political and cultural battles over sexuality in the 1980s and 1990s, also characterised key feminist debates of the second wave. The false stereotypes of feminists such as anti-male, fat, humourless, bra-burning were seen to be actively challenged in the third wave (Hollows, Moseley, 2006). It is also discussed that some of what is currently referred to as third wave feminism is indistinguishable from popularised atheoretical post feminism; Michelle Goldberg (2001) describes this as shopping and fucking. We can observe by this that where third wave feminists viewed their actions as being methods of sexual control politically and culturally, early theorists and feminists conduced their behaviour was un-intellectual and made important issues void by allowing them to revolve around hotter-sex, designer shoes, intimidating clothing and expensive make-up (Hollows, Moseley, 2006). The acknowledgement of theorists and feminists has allowed us a deeper insight into the views of sexuality from the 1960s onwards. What is interesting is how different feminist theories began to differ in aims on the way into the 1980s. The common aim had been to liberate women from the societal constraints, not only in public places but also in the privacy of their own home. There remained however a range of strong views surrounding heterosexuality and the mystery of the female orgasm, with the liberation of gay men, lesbian women and straight women sexually, the traditional theories, such as essentialism were challenged. The changes made by feminists cannot be denied, changes that span over decades and in some cases centuries, it is easy to take for granted the sexual freedom that can be experienced by women in modern society, however when we observe feminist history we can begin to understand the sacrifices that have been made on behalf of women and the empowerment of female sexuality. This is their legacy. Word Count 1,922

Oedipus :: Greek Gods

Oedipus, the ruler of Thebes, approaches a group of unhappy citizens, represented by a priest, and asks them what is wrong. They answer that the city is dying and that they are sick and poor. Oedipus sympathizes and tells them that, as their ruler, he is also troubled by the sickness of the city, and has already taken steps to see that something be done about it. The first step he has taken was to send Creon to Apollo's shrine to see what the god recommends they do. As Creon appears, he tells them that the god, Apollo, said that there is bad blood in Thebes, and that until this blood is expelled Thebes will be a sick city. This bad blood is the blood of the person who killed Laios. When Oedipus asks why the case was not investigated, as he had not come to Thebes at that point, the people answer that they were too busy trying to solve the Sphinx's riddle. Oedipus says that no matter what the cost is, he will get to the bottom of it, both because it harms Thebes, and because Laios was noble and loyal. The elders say that they do not have any knowledge of the murder, and suggest that Oedipus call Tiresias, a blind prophet, to help and advise him. Oedipus says that he has already done this, and Tiresias arrives promptly. Although reluctant to speak, Oedipus forces Tiresias to reveal what he knows. Tiresias says that Oedipus is Thebes' pollution and that he killed his father and sleeps with his mother, and that this is the truth. Oedipus accuses Tiresias of lying on Creon's behalf so that Creon can kill Oedipus and take over the position of ruler of Thebes. Creon enters and says that Oedipus is not making any sense-of course he did not collaborate with Tiresias, because he also owns a third of Thebes but chooses not to rule it, leaving Thebes to Oedipus, which shows that he is not interested in ruling at all. Iokaste enters and stops the two men from arguing. When Creon leaves, she asks Oedipus what happened and he explains the whole story to her. She tells him not to believe the words of the oracle, as an oracle once predicted that her son would kill his father and share her bed, and this has never happened. She bore a son with Laios, but Laios had the feet of the child bound and had the child tossed in the wilderness.

Gene Therapy Regualtion :: Science Genetics Essays

Gene Therapy Regualtion Gene therapy techniques are a rapidly growing area of interest and concern. Gene therapy technologies will have great impacts on how deal with medical problems and perhaps even on how we live our lives. Yes, gene therapy is something that will probab ly impact your life in one form or another. There are many issues discussed related to this topic, one of which is regulation. Who should regulate this research and to what extent should it be regulated? The following essay addresses the later question . This essay will explain what gene therapy is, how it is regulated, and will discuss the philosophies on how it should be regulated. Who ultimately decides the uses of gene therapy, and will those making these decisions keep your interests in mind? It is in the best interests of everyone that society develop proactive means of regulating gene therapy to maximize benefits and minimize the risks. Human gene therapy is one of the newest advances bridging science and medicine in our modern world. In the most basic sense, it involves changing the genetic composition of certain cells in the human to correct a "defect" in the genetic code that is c ausing undesirable characteristics such as a disease. A person's genetic code is responsible for coding proteins which constitutes our physical makeup. A single alteration to this code can result in a lethal disease. In gene therapy, genes with the cor rect code are inserted into the cell. The method of choice to insert desired genes into human cells is through a virus vector in which the virus inserts modified DNA to replace the DNA that is causing the genetic problem (Coutts). Once the DNA is in th e cell, it can code for the desired protein needed to make the patient well. If the cells that are treated in your body are not reproductive cells, this type of gene therapy is called somatic cell therapy. This technique means it only affec ts those trea ted cells and will not be a genetic trait passed on to future generations. In somatic gene therapy, treatments often have to be conducted every couple of months because cells continually are being replaced in the body. Germ-line therapy is a procedure in which reproductive cells are altered. This results in future generations that carry this same alteration. Much debate over gene therapy has erupted as scientific advances have brought this technology to the application phase.

Example Research: Critical Discourse Analysis

18 Critical Discourse Analysis TEUN A. VAN DIJK 0 Introduction: What Is Critical Discourse Analysis? Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. With such dissident research, critical discourse analysts take explicit position, and thus want to understand, expose, and ultimately resist social inequality.Some of the tenets of CDA can already be found in the critical theory of the Frankfurt School before the Second World War (Agger 1992b; Rasmussen 1996). Its current focus on language and discourse was initiated with the â€Å"critical linguistics† that emerged (mostly in the UK and Australia) at the end of the 1970s (Fowler et al. 1979; see also Mey 1985).CDA has also counterparts in â€Å"critical† developments in sociolinguistics, psychology, and the social sciences, some already dating back to the early 1970s (Birnbaum 1971; Calhoun 1995; Fay 1987; Fox and Prilleltensky 1997; Hymes 1972; Ibanez and Iniguez 1997; Singh 1996; Thomas 1993; Turkel 1996; Wodak 1996). As is the case in these neighboring disciplines, CDA may be seen as a reaction against the dominant formal (often â€Å"asocial† or â€Å"uncritical†) paradigms of the 1960s and 1970s.CDA is not so much a direction, school, or specialization next to the many other â€Å"approaches† in discourse studies. Rather, it aims to offer a different â€Å"mode† or â€Å"perspective† of theorizing, analysis, and application throughout the whole field. We may find a more or less critical perspective in such diverse areas as pragmatics, conversation analysis, narrative analysis, rhetoric, stylistics, sociolinguistics, ethnography, or media analysis, among others. Crucial for critical discourse analysts is the explicit awareness of their role in society.Continuing a tra dition that rejects the possibility of a â€Å"value-free† science, they argue that science, and especially scholarly discourse, are inherently part of and influenced by social structure, and produced in social interaction. Instead of denying or ignoring such a relation between scholarship and society, they plead that such relations be studied and accounted for in their own right, and that scholarly practices Critical Discourse Analysis 353 be based on such insights. Theory formation, description, and explanation, also in discourse analysis, are sociopolitically â€Å"situated,† whether we like it or not.Reflection on the role of scholars in society and the polity thus becomes an inherent part of the discourse analytical enterprise. This may mean, among other things, that discourse analysts conduct research in solidarity and cooperation with dominated groups. Critical research on discourse needs to satisfy a number of requirements in order to effectively realize its ai ms: †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ As is often the case for more marginal research traditions, CDA research has to be â€Å"better† than other research in order to be accepted.It focuses primarily on , social problems and political issues, rather than on current paradigms and fashions. Empirically adequate critical analysis of social problems is usually multidisciplinary. Rather than merely describe discourse structures, it tries to explain them in terms of properties of social interaction and especially social structure. More specifically, CDA focuses on the ways discourse structures enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and dominance in society. Fairclough and Wodak (1997: 271-80) summarize the main tenets of CDA as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. . 7. 8. CDA addresses social problems Power relations are discursive Discourse constitutes society and culture Discourse does ideological work Discourse is historical The link between text and soc iety is mediated Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory Discourse is a form of social action. Whereas some of these tenets have also been discussed above, others need a more systematic theoretical analysis, of which we shall present some fragments here as a more or less general basis for the main principles of CDA (for details about these aims of critical discourse and language studies, see, e. . , Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard 1996; Fairclough 1992a, 1995a; Fairclough and Wodak 1997; Fowler et al. 1979; van Dijk 1993b). 1 Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks Since CDA is not a specific direction of research, it does not have a unitary theoretical framework. Within the aims mentioned above, there are many types of CDA, and these may be theoretically and analytically quite diverse. Critical analysis of conversation is very different from an analysis of news reports in the press or of lessons and teaching at school.Yet, given the common perspective and the general aims of CDA, we may also find overall conceptual and theoretical frameworks that are closely related. As suggested, most kinds of CDA will ask questions about the way specific 354 Teun A. van Dijk discourse structures are deployed in the reproduction of social dominance, whether they are part of a conversation or a news report or other genres and contexts.Thus, the typical vocabulary of many scholars in CDA will feature such notions as â€Å"power,† â€Å"dominance,† â€Å"hegemony,† â€Å"ideology,† â€Å"class,† â€Å"gender,† â€Å"race,† â€Å"discrimination,† â€Å"interests,† â€Å"reproduction,† â€Å"institutions,† â€Å"social structure,† and â€Å"social order,† besides the more familiar discourse analytical notions. ‘ In this section, I focus on a number of basic concepts themselves, and thus devise a theoretical framework that critically relates discourse, cognition, and society. 1. 1 Macro vs. microLanguage use, discourse, verbal interaction, and communication belong to the microlevel of the social order. Power, dominance, and inequality between social groups are typically terms that belong to a macrolevel of analysis. This means that CDA has to theoretically bridge the well-known â€Å"gap† between micro and macro approaches, which is of course a distinction that is a sociological construct in its own right (Alexander et al. 1987; Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel 1981). In everyday interaction and experience the macro- and microlevel (and intermediary â€Å"mesolevels†) form one unified whole.For instance, a racist speech in parliament is a discourse at the microlevel of social interaction in the specific situation of a debate, but at the same time may enact or be a constituent part of legislation or the reproduction of racism at the macrolevel. There are several ways to analyze and bridge these levels, and thus to arrive at a unified critical anal ysis: Members–groups: Language users-engage in discourse as members of (several) social groups, organizations, or institutions; and conversely, groups thus may act â€Å"by† their members. Actions–process: Social acts of individual actors are thus constituent parts of group actions and social processes, such as legislation, newsmaking, or the reproduction of racism. 3 Context–social structure: Situations of discursive interaction are similarly part or constitutive of social structure; for example, a press conference may be a typical practice of organizations and media institutions. That is, â€Å"local† and more â€Å"global† contexts are closely related, and both exercise constraints on discourse. Personal and social cognition: Language users as social actors have both personal and social cognition: personal memories, knowledge and opinions, as well as those shared with members of the group or culture as a whole. Both types of cognition inf luence interaction and discourse of individual members, whereas shared â€Å"social representations† govern the collective actions of a group. 1 1. 2 Power as control A central notion in most critical work on discourse is that of power, and more specifically the social power of groups or institutions.Summarizing a complex philosophical and social analysis, we will define social power in terms of control. Thus, groups have Critical Discourse Analysis 355 (more or less) power if they are able to (more or less) control the acts and minds of (members of) other groups. This ability presupposes a power base of privileged access to scarce social resources, such as force, money, status, fame, knowledge, information, â€Å"culture,† or indeed various forms of public discourse and communication (of the vast literature on power, see, e. . , Lukes 1986; Wrong 1979). Different types of power may be distinguished according to the various resources employed to exercise such power: th e coercive power of the military and of violent men will rather be based on force, the rich will have power because of their money, whereas the more or less persuasive power of parents, professors, or journalists may be based on knowledge, information, or authority. Note also that power is seldom absolute.Groups may more or less control other groups, or only control them in specific situations or social domains. Moreover, dominated groups may more or less resist, accept, condone, comply with, or legitimate such power, and even find it â€Å"natural. † The power of dominant groups may be integrated in laws, rules, norms, habits, and even a quite general consensus, and thus take the form of what Gramsci called â€Å"hegemony† (Gramsci 1971). Class domination, sexism, and racism are characteristic examples of such hegemony.Note also that power is not always exercised in obviously abusive acts of dominant group members, but may be enacted in the myriad of taken-for-granted actions of everyday life, as is typically the case in the many forms of everyday sexism or racism (Essed 1991). Similarly, not all members of a powerful group are always more powerful than all members of dominated groups: power is only defined here for groups as a whole. For our analysis of the relations between discourse and power, thus, we first find that access to specific forms of discourse, e. . those of politics, the media, or science, is itself a power resource. Secondly, as suggested earlier, action is controlled by our minds. So, if we are able to influence people's minds, e. g. their knowledge or opinions, we indirectly may control (some of) their actions, as we know from persuasion and manipulation. Closing the discourse–power circle, finally, this means that those groups who control most influential discourse also have more chances to control the minds and actions of others.Simplifying these very intricate relationships even further for this chapter, we can split up the issue of discursive power into two basic questions for CDA research: 1 How do (more) powerful groups control public discourse? 2 How does such discourse control mind and action of (less) powerful groups, and what are the social consequences of such control, such as social inequality? I address each question below. ‘ 1. 2. 1 Control of public discourseWe have seen that among many other resources that define the power base of a group or institution, access to or control over public discourse and communication is an important â€Å"symbolic† resource, as is the case for knowledge and information (van Dijk 1996). Most people have active control only over everyday talk with family members, friends, or colleagues, and passive control over, e. g. media usage. In many 356 Teun A. van Dijk situations, ordinary people are more or less passive targets of text or talk, e. g. f their bosses or teachers, or of the authorities, such as police officers, judges, welfare bureaucr ats, or tax inspectors, who may simply tell them what (not) to believe or what to do. On the other hand, members of more powerful social groups and institutions, and especially their leaders (the elites), have more or less exclusive access to, and control over, one or more types of public discourse. Thus, professors control scholarly discourse, teachers educational discourse, journalists media discourse, lawyers legal discourse, and politicians policy and other public political discourse.Those who have more control over more — and more influential — discourse (and more discourse properties) are by that definition also more powerful. In other words, we here propose a discursive definition (as well as a practical diagnostic) of one of the crucial constituents of social power. These notions of discourse access and control are very general, and it is one of the tasks of CDA to spell out these forms of power. Thus, if discourse is defined in terms of complex communicative e vents, access and control may be defined both for the context and for the structures of text and talk themselves.Context is defined as the mentally represented structure of those properties of the social situation that are relevant for the production or comprehension of discourse (Duranti and Goodwin 1992; van Dijk 1998b). It consists of such categories as the overall definition of the situation, setting (time, place), ongoing actions (including discourses and discourse genres), participants in various communicative, social, or institutional roles, as well as their mental representations: goals, knowledge, opinions, attitudes, and ideologies. Controlling context involves control over one or more of these categories, e. . determining the definition of the communicative situation, deciding on time and place of the communicative event, or on which participants may or must be present, and in which roles, or what knowledge or opinions they should (not) have, and which social actions may or must be accomplished by discourse. Also crucial in the enactment or exercise of group power is control not only over content, but over the structures of text and talk. Relating text and context, thus, we already saw that (members of) powerful groups may decide on the (possible) discourse genre(s) or speech acts of an occasion.A teacher or judge may require a direct answer from a student or suspect, respectively, and not a personal story or an argument (Wodak 1984a, 1986). More critically, we may examine how powerful speakers may abuse their power in such situations, e. g. when police officers use force to get a confession from a suspect (Linell and Jonsson 1991), or when male editors exclude women from writing economic news (van Zoonen 1994). Similarly, genres typically have conventional schemas consisting of various categories. Access to some of these may be prohibited or obligatory, e. . some greetings in a conversation may only be used by speakers of a specific social group, r ank, age, or gender (Irvine 1974). Also vital for all discourse and communication is who controls the topics (semantic macrostructures) and topic change, as when editors decide what news topics will be covered (Gans 1979; van Dijk 1988a, 1988b), professors decide what topics will be dealt with in class, or men control topics and topic change in conversations with women (Palmer 1989; Fishman 1983; Leet-Pellegrini 1980; Lindegren-Lerman 1983).Critical Discourse Analysis 357 Although most discourse control is contextual or global, even local details of meaning, form, or style may be controlled, e. g. the details of an answer in class or court, or choice of lexical items or jargon in courtrooms, classrooms or newsrooms (Martin Rojo 1994). In many situations, volume may be controlled and speakers ordered to â€Å"keep their voice down† or to â€Å"keep quiet,† women may be â€Å"silenced† in many ways (Houston and Kramarae 1991), and in some cultures one needs to â⠂¬Å"mumble† as a form of respect (Albert 1972).The public use of specific words may be banned as subversive in a dictatorship, and discursive challenges to culturally dominant groups (e. g. white, western males) by their multicultural opponents may be ridiculed in the media as â€Å"politically correct† (Williams 1995). And finally, action and interaction dimensions of discourse may be controlled by prescribing or proscribing specific speech acts, and by selectively distributing or interrupting turns (see also Diamond 1996).In sum, virtually all levels and structures of context, text, and talk can in principle be more or less controlled by powerful speakers, and such power may be abused at the expense of other participants. It should, however, be stressed that talk and text do not always and directly enact or embody the overall power relations between groups: it is always the context that may interfere with, reinforce, or otherwise transform such relationships. 1. 2. 2 Mind control If controlling discourse is a first major form of power, controlling people's minds is the other fundamental way to reproduce dominance and hegemony. Within a CDA framework, â€Å"mind control† involves even more than just acquiring beliefs about the world through discourse and communication. Suggested below are ways that power and dominance are involved in mind control. First, recipients tend to accept beliefs, knowledge, and opinions (unless they are inconsistent with their personal beliefs and experiences) through discourse from what they see as authoritative, trustworthy, or credible sources, such as scholars, experts, professionals, or reliable media (Nesler et al. 1993). Second, in some situations participants are obliged to be recipients of discourse, e. . in education and in many job situations. Lessons, learning materials, job instructions, and other discourse types in such cases may need to be attended to, interpreted, and learned as intended by institu tional or organizational authors (Giroux 1981). Third, in many situations there are no pubic discourses or media that may provide information from which alternative beliefs may be derived (Downing 1984). Fourth, and closely related to the previous points, recipients may not have the knowledge and beliefs needed to challenge the discourses or information they are exposed to (Wodak 1987).Whereas these conditions of mind control are largely contextual (they say something about the participants of a communicative event), other conditions are discursive, that is, a function of the structures and strategies of text or talk itself. In other words, given a specific context, certain meanings and forms of discourse have more influence on people's minds than others, as the very notion of â€Å"persuasion† and a tradition of 2000 years of rhetoric may show. ‘ Once we have elementary insight into some of the structures of the mind, and what it means to control it, the crucial questi on is how discourse and its structures are able 58 Teun A. van Dijk to exercise such control. As suggested above, such discursive influence may be due to context as well as to the structures of text and talk themselves. Contextually based control derives from the fact that people understand and represent not only text and talk, but also the whole communicative situation. Thus, CDA typically studies how context features (such as the properties of language users of powerful groups) influence the ways members of dominated groups define the communicative situation in â€Å"preferred context models† (Martin Rojo and van Dijk 1997).CDA also focuses on how discourse structures influence mental representations. At the global level of discourse, topics may influence what people see as the most important information of text or talk, and thus correspond to the top levels of their mental models. For example, expressing such a topic in a headline in news may powerfully influence how an ev ent is defined in terms of a â€Å"preferred† mental model (e. g. when crime committed by minorities is typically topicalized and headlined in the press: Duin et al. 988; van Dijk 1991). Similarly, argumentation may be persuasive because of the social opinions that are â€Å"hidden† in its implicit premises and thus taken for granted by the recipients, e. g. immigration may thus be restricted if it is presupposed in a parliamentary debate that all refugees are â€Å"illegal† (see the contributions in Wodak and van Dijk 2000) Likewise, at the local level, in order to understand discourse meaning and coherence, people may need models featuring beliefs that remain implicit (presupposed) in discourse.Thus, a typical feature of manipulation is to communicate beliefs implicitly, that is, without actually asserting them, and with less chance that they will be challenged. These few examples show how various types of discourse structure may influence the formation and ch ange of mental models and social representations. If dominant groups, and especially their elites, largely control public discourse and its structures, they thus also have more control over the minds of the public at large. However, such control has its limits.The complexity of comprehension, and the formation and change of beliefs, are such that one cannot always predict which features of a specific text or talk will have which effects on the minds of specific recipients. These brief remarks have provided us with a very general picture of how discourse is involved in dominance (power abuse) and in the production and reproduction of social inequality. It is the aim of CDA to examine these relationships in more detail. In the next section, we review several areas of CDA research in which these relationships are investigated. ‘ 2 Research in Critical Discourse AnalysisAlthough most discourse studies dealing with any aspect of power, domination, and social inequality have not bee n explicitly conducted under the label of CDA, we shall nevertheless refer to some of these studies below. 2. 1 Gender inequality One vast field of critical research on discourse and language that thus far has not been carried out within a CDA perspective is that of gender. In many ways, feminist Critical Discourse Analysis 359 work has become paradigmatic for much discourse analysis, especially since much of this work explicitly deals with social inequality and domination.We will not review it here; see Kendall and Tannen, this volume; also the books authored and edited by, e. g. , Cameron (1990, 1992); Kotthoff and Wodak (1997); Seidel (1988); Thorne et al. (1983); Wodak (1997); for discussion and comparison with an approach that emphasizes cultural differences rather than power differences and inequality, see, e. g. , Tannen (1994a); see also Tannen (1994) for an analysis of gender differences at work, in which many of the properties of discursive dominance are dealt with. 2. 2 M edia discourseThe undeniable power of the media has inspired many critical studies in many disciplines: linguistics, semiotics, pragmatics, and discourse studies. Traditional, often content analytical approaches in critical media studies have revealed biased, stereotypical, sexist or racist images in texts, illustrations, and photos. Early studies of media language similarly focused on easily observable surface structures, such as the biased or partisan use of words in the description of Us and Them (and Our/Their actions and characteristics), especially along sociopolitical lines in the representation of communists.The critical tone was set by a series of â€Å"Bad News† studies by the Glasgow University Media Group (1976, 1980, 1982, 1985, 1993) on features of TV reporting, such as in the coverage of various issues (e. g. industrial disputes (strikes), the Falklands (Malvinas) war, the media coverage of AIDS. ) Perhaps best known outside of discourse studies is the media re search carried out by Stuart Hall and his associates within the framework of the cultural studies paradigm. (See, e. g. , Hall et al. 1980; for introduction to the critical work of cultural studies, see Agger 1992a; see also Collins et al. 986; for earlier critical approaches to the analysis of media images, see also Davis and Walton 1983; and for a later CDA approach to media studies that is related to the critical approach of cultural studies, see Fairclough 1995b. See also Cotter, this volume. ) An early collection of work of Roger Fowler and his associates (Fowler et al. 1979) also focused on the media. As with many other English and Australian studies in this paradigm, the theoretical framework of Halliday's functional-systemic grammar is used in a study of the â€Å"transitivity† of syntactic patterns of sentences (see Martin, this volume).The point of such research is that events and actions may be described with syntactic variations that are a function of the underlyi ng involvement of actors (e. g. their agency, responsibility, and perspective). Thus, in an analysis of the media accounts of the â€Å"riots† during a minority festival, the responsibility of the authorities and especially of the police in such violence may be systematically de-emphasized by defocusing, e. g. by passive constructions and nominalizations; that is, by leaving agency and responsibility implicit.Fowler's later critical studies of the media continue this tradition, but also pay tribute to the British cultural studies paradigm that defines news not as a reflection of reality, but as a product shaped by political, economic, and cultural forces (Fowler 1991). More than in much other critical work on the media, he also focuses on the linguistic â€Å"tools† for such a critical study, such as the analysis of transitivity in syntax, lexical structure, modality, and speech acts.Similarly van Dijk (1988b) applies a theory of news discourse (van Dijk 1988a) in 360 Teun A. van Dijk critical studies of international news, racism in the press, and the coverage of squatters in Amsterdam. 2. 3 Political discourse Given the role of political discourse in the enactment, reproduction, and legitimization of power and domination, we may also expect many critical discourse studies of political text and talk (see Wilson, this volume).So far most of this work has been carried out by linguists and discourse analysts, because political science is among the few social disciplines in which discourse analysis has remained virtually unknown, although there is some influence of â€Å"postmodern† approaches to discourse (Derian and Shapiro 1989; Fox and Miller 1995), and many studies of political communication and rhetoric overlap with a discourse analytical approach (Nimmo and Sanders 1981).Still closer to discourse analysis is the current approach to â€Å"frames† (conceptual structures or sets of beliefs that organize political thought, policies, and discourse) in the analysis of political text and talk (Gamson 1992). In linguistics, pragmatics, and discourse studies, political discourse has received attention outside the more theoretical mainstream. Seminal work comes from Paul Chilton; see, e. g. , his collection on the language of the nuclear arms debate (Chilton 1985), as well as later work on contemporary nukespeak (Chilton 1988) and metaphor (Chilton 1996; Chilton and Lakoff 1995).Although studies of political discourse in English are internationally best known because of the hegemony of English, much work has been done (often earlier, and often more systematic and explicit) in German, Spanish, and French. This work is too extensive to even begin to review here beyond naming a few influential studies. Germany has a long tradition of political discourse analysis, both (then) in the West (e. g. about Bonn's politicians by Zimmermann 1969), as well as in the former East (e. g. he semiotic-materialist theory of Klaus 1971 ) (see also the introduction by Bachem 1979). This tradition in Germany witnessed a study of the language of war and peace (Pasierbsky 1983) and of speech acts in political discourse (Holly 1990). There is also a strong tradition of studying fascist language and discourse (e. g. the lexicon, propaganda, media, and language politics; Ehlich 1989). In France, the study of political language has a respectable tradition in linguistics and discourse analysis, also because the barrier between (mostly structuralist) inguistic theory and text analysis was never very pronounced. Discourse studies are often corpus-based and there has been a strong tendency toward formal, quantitative, and automatic (content) analysis of such big datasets, often combined with critical ideological analysis (Pecheux 1969, 1982; Guespin 1976). The emphasis on automated analysis usually implies a focus on (easily quantifiable) lexical analyses (see Stubbs, this volume).Critical political discourse studies in Spain and especially also in Latin America has been very productive. Famous is the early critical semiotic (anticolonialist) study of Donald Duck by Dorfman and Mattelart (1972) in Chile. Lavandera et al. (1986, 1987) in Argentina take an influential sociolinguistic approach to political discourse, e. g. its typology of authoritarian discourse. Work of this group has been continued and organized in a more explicit CDA framework especially by Pardo (see, e. g. her work Critical Discourse Analysis 361 on legal discourse; Pardo 1996). In Mexico, a detailed ethnographic discourse analysis of local authority and decision-making was carried out by Sierra (1992). Among the many other critical studies in Latin America, we should mention the extensive work of Teresa CarbO on parliamentary discourse in Mexico, focusing especially on the way delegates speak about native Americans (CarbO 1995), with a study in English on interruptions in these debates (CarbO 1992). . 4 Ethnocentrism, antisemitism, n ationalism, and racism The study of the role of discourse in the enactment and reproduction of ethnic and â€Å"racial† inequality has slowly emerged in CDA. Traditionally, such work focused on ethnocentric and racist representations in the mass media, literature, and film (Dines and Humez 1995; UNESCO 1977; Wilson and Gutierrez 1985; Hartmann and Husband 1974; van Dijk 1991).Such representations continue centuries-old dominant images of the Other in the discourses of European travelers, explorers, merchants, soldiers, philosophers, and historians, among other forms of elite discourse (Barker 1978; Lauren 1988). Fluctuating between the emphasis on exotic difference, on the one hand, and supremacist derogation stressing the Other's intellectual, moral, and biological inferiority, on the other hand, such discourses also influenced public opinion and led to broadly shared social representations.It is the continuity of this sociocultural tradition of negative images about the Oth er that also partly explains the persistence of dominant patterns of representation in contemporary discourse, media, and film (Shohat and Stam 1994). Later discourse studies have gone beyond the more traditional, content analytical analysis of â€Å"images† of the Others, and probed more deeply into the linguistic, semiotic, and other discursive properties of text and talk to and about minorities, immigrants, and Other peoples (for detailed review, see Wodak and Reisigl, this volume).Besides the mass media, advertising, film, and textbooks, which were (and still are) the genres most commonly studied, this newer work also focuses on political discourse, scholarly discourse, everyday conversations, service encounters, talk shows, and a host of other genres. Many studies on ethnic and racial inequality reveal a remarkable similarity among the stereotypes, prejudices, and other forms of verbal derogation across discourse types, media, and national boundaries.For example, in a va st research program carried out at the University of Amsterdam since the early 1980s, we examined how Surinamese, Turks, and Moroccans, and ethnic relations generally, are represented in conversation, everyday stories, news reports, textbooks, parliamentary debates, corporate discourse, and scholarly text and talk (van Dijk 1984, 1987a, 1987b, 1991, 1993). Besides stereotypical topics of difference, deviation, and threat, story structures, conversational features (such as hesitations and repairs in mentioning Others), semantic moves such as disclaimers (â€Å"We have nothing against blacks, but . . . , etc. ), lexical description of Others, and a host of other discourse features also were studied. The aim of these projects was to show how discourse expresses and reproduces underlying social representations of Others in the social and political context. Ter Wal (1997) applies this framework in a detailed study of the ways Italian political and media discourse gradually changed, from an antiracist commitment and benign representation 362 Teun A. van Dijk of the â€Å"extracommunitari† (non-Europeans) to a more stereotypical and negative por- trayal of immigrants in terms of crime, deviance, and threat. The major point f our work is that racism (including antisemitism, xenophobia, and related forms of resentment against â€Å"racially† or ethnically defined Others) is a complex system of social and political inequality that is also reproduced by discourse in general, and by elite discourses in particular (see further references in Wodak and Reisigl, this volume). Instead of further elaborating the complex details of the theoretical relationships between discourse and racism, we shall refer to a book that may be taken as a prototype of conservative elite discourse on â€Å"race† today, namely, The End of Racism by Dinesh D'Souza (1995).This text embodies many of the dominant ideologies in the USA, especially on the right, and it specifically targets one minority group in the USA: African Americans. Space prohibits detailed analysis of this 700-page book (but see van Dijk 1998a). Here we can merely summarize how the CDA of D'Souza's The End of Racism shows what kind of discursive structures, strategies, and moves are deployed in exercising the power of the dominant (white, western, male) group, and how readers are manipulated to form or confirm the social representations that are consistent with a conservative, supremacist ideology.The overall strategy of D'Souza's The End of Racism is the combined implementation, at all levels of the text, of the positive presentation of the in-group and the negative presentation of the out-group. In D'Souza's book, the principal rhetorical means are those of hyperbole and metaphor, viz. , the exaggerated representation of social problems in terms of illness (â€Å"pathologies,† â€Å"virus†), and the emphasis of the contrast between the Civilized and the Barbarians. Seman tically and lexically, the Others are thus associated not simply with difference, but rather with deviance (â€Å"illegitimacy†) and threat (violence, attacks).Argumentative assertions of the depravity of black culture are combined with denials of white deficiencies (racism), with rhetorical mitigation and euphemization of its crimes (colonialism, slavery), and with semantic reversals of blame (blaming the victim). Social conflict is thus cognitively represented and enhanced by polarization, and discursively sustained and reproduced by derogating, demonizing, and excluding the Others from the community of Us, the Civilized. 2. From group domination to professional and institutional power We have reviewed in this section critical studies of the role of discourse in the (re)production inequality. Such studies characteristically exemplify the CDA perspective on power abuse and dominance by specific social groups. ‘ Many other studies, whether under the CDA banner or not, a lso critically examine various genres of institutional and professional discourse, e. g. text and talk in the courtroom (see Shuy, this volume; Danet 1984; O'Barr et al. 978; Bradac et al. 1981; Ng and Bradac 1993; Lakoff 1990; Wodak 1984a; Pardo 1996; Shuy 1992), bureaucratic discourse (Burton and Carlen 1979; Radtke 1981), medical discourse (see Ainsworth-Vaughn and Fleischman, this volume; Davis 1988; Fisher 1995; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mishler 1984; West 1984; Wodak 1996), educational and scholarly discourse (Aronowitz 1988; Critical Discourse Analysis 363 Apple 1979; Bourdieu 1984, 1989; Bernstein 1975, 1990; Bourdieu et al. 1994; Giroux 1981; Willis 1977; Atkinson et al. 995; Coulthard 1994; Duszak 1997; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mercer 1995; Wodak 1996; Bergvall and Remlinger 1996; Ferree and Hall 1996; Jaworski 1983; Leimdorfer 1992; Osler 1994; Said 1979; Smith 1991; van Dijk 1987, 1993), and corporate discourse (see Linde, this volume; Mumby 1988; Boden 1994; Drew and Heritage 1992; Ehlich 1995; Mumby 1993; Mumby and Clair 1997), among many other sets of genres. In all these cases, power and dominance are associated with specific social domains (politics, media, law, education, science, etc. , their professional elites and institutions, and the rules and routines that form the background of the everyday discursive reproduction of power in such domains and institutions. The victims or targets of such power are usually the public or citizens at large, the â€Å"masses,† clients, subjects, the audience, students, and other groups that are dependent on institutional and organizational power. 3 Conclusion We have seen in this chapter that critical discourse analyses deal with the relationship between discourse and power.We have also sketched the complex theoretical framework needed to analyze discourse and power, and provided a glimpse of the many ways in which power and domination are reproduced by text and talk. Yet several methodological and theoreti cal gaps remain. First, the cognitive interface between discourse structures and those of the local and global social context is seldom made explicit, and appears usually only in terms of the notions of knowledge and ideology (van Dijk 1998).Thus, despite a large number of empirical studies on discourse and power, the details of the multidisciplinary theory of CDA that should relate discourse and action with cognition and society are still on the agenda. Second, there is still a gap between more linguistically oriented studies of text and talk and the various approaches in the social. The first often ignore concepts and theories in sociology and political science on power abuse and inequality, whereas the second seldom engage in detailed discourse analysis. Integration of various approaches is therefore very important to arrive at a satisfactory form of multidisciplinary CDA.NOTES I am indebted to Ruth Wodak for her comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and to Laura Pardo for further information, about CDA research in Latin America. 1 It comes as no surprise, then, that CDA research will often refer to the leading social philosophers and social scientists of our time when theorizing these and other fundamental notions. Thus, reference to the leading scholars of the Frankfurter School and to contemporary work by Habermas (for instance, on legitimation and his last â€Å"discourse† approach to norms and democracy) is of course common in critical analysis. Similarly, many critical studies will refer to Foucault 64 Teun A. van Dijk when dealing with notions such as power, domination, and discipline or the more philosophical notion of â€Å"orders of discourse. † More recently, the many studies on language, culture, and society by Bourdieu have become increasingly influential; for instance, his notion of â€Å"habitus. † From another sociological perspective, Giddens's structuration theory is now occasionally mentioned. It should be b orne in mind that although several of these social philosophers and sociologists make extensive use of the notions of language and discourse, they seldom engage in explicit, systematic discourse analysis.Indeed, the last thing critical discourse scholars should do is to uncritically adopt philosophical or sociological ideas about language and discourse that are obviously uninformed by advances in contemporary linguistics and discourse analysis. Rather, the work referred to here is mainly relevant for the use of fundamental concepts about the social order and hence for the metatheory of CDA. 2 Space limitations prevent discussion of a third issue: how dominated groups discursively challenge or resist the control of powerful groups. 3 Note that â€Å"mind control† is merely a handy phrase to summarize a very complex process.Cognitive psychology and mass communication research have shown that influencing the mind is not as straightforward a process as simplistic ideas about mind control might suggest (Britton and Graesser 1996; Glasser and Salmon 1995; Klapper 1960; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983). Recipients may vary in their interpretation and uses of text and talk, also as a function of class, gender, or culture (Liebes and Katz 1990). Likewise, recipients seldom passively accept the intended opinions of specific discourses. However, we should not forget that most of our beliefs about the world are acquired through discourse. In order to analyze the complex processes involved in how discourse may control people's minds, we would need to spell out the detailed mental representations and cognitive operations studied in cognitive science. Since even an adequate summary is beyond the scope of this chapter, we will only briefly introduce a few notions that are necessary to understand the processes of discursive mind control (for details, see, e. g. , Graesser and Bower 1990; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983; van Oostendorp and Zwaan 1994; Weaver et al. 1995). 5 Note tha t the picture just sketched is very schematic and general.The relations between the social power of groups and institutions, on the one hand, and discourse on the other, as well as between discourse and cognition, and cognition and society, are vastly more complex. There are many contradictions. There is not always a clear picture of one dominant group (or class or institution) oppressing another one, controlling all public discourse, and such discourse directly controlling the mind of the dominated. There are many forms of collusion, consensus, legitimation, and even â€Å"joint production† of forms of inequality.Members of dominant groups may become dissidents and side with dominated groups, and vice versa. Opponent discourses may be adopted by dominant groups, whether strategically to neutralize them, or simply because dominant power and ideologies may change, as is for instance quite obvious in ecological discourse and ideology. 6 Unfortunately, the study of the discursiv e reproduction of class has been rather neglected in this perspective; for a related approach, though, see Willis (1977). Critical Discourse Analysis 365 REFERENCES Agger, B. (1992a). Cultural Studies as Critical Theory. London: Falmer Press.Agger, B. (1992b). The Discourse of Domination. 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